British fascists try to appropriate Welsh symbols

I ddarllen yr erthygl wreiddiol yn Gymraeg, ewch i “Ffasgiaid Prydeinig yn ceisio bachu Cymreictod“.

The following is an English translation of the original article “Ffasgiaid Prydeinig yn ceisio bachu Cymreictod“. See also some clarifications.

Fascists are trying to take Welsh and Welsh-language symbols.

These are racist, white-supremacist and violent groups. They attack refugees and migrants. They are Islamophobic and anti-Semitic. They are anti-working-class and patriarchal. They are ableist. In short: shitbags. There is no welcome for them in Wales or anywhere else.

Fascism must be opposed, whatever banner it raises. This attempt to exploit and twist our Welsh symbols and language towards right-wing and British aims must also be opposed.

In this article, anarchwaethus discusses this recent development amongst British fascists of snatching Wales’ symbols and our stance as anti-fascists against Britishness.

New tendency – same old shitbags

The presence of fascists in Wales is hardly new. Moseley’s Blackshirts tried to hold meetings in South Wales in the 30s for example, where they were welcomed by bricks, bottles and fists.[1]

What’s new is this tendency amongst British fascists to appropriate Welsh symbolism, including anti-British symbols. As far as we know, this couldn’t be imagined some twenty years ago. Back then, if these fascists spoke of Wales, Welshness or the Welsh-language, their rhetoric and position was aggressive and anti-Welsh. This has changed, though we emphasise that the change is only symbolic – skin-deep.[2][3]

The Valleys’ Frontline Firm (a small group connected to the NF) has tried imitating the Welsh national football team’s badge for example. Except instead of “Gorau Chwarae Cyd Chwarae” [“The Best Playing – Playing Together”], they have a tiny little Swastika.

From daffodills to... swastika. Shitbags.
The VFF: From daffodills to… swastika. Shitbags.

National Front Wales takes things one step further, flying a mishmash combination of yr Eryr Wen (old symbol of the Free Wales Army) and Baner Glyndŵr, anti-British symbols, alongside the Butchers Apron. (For context: this would be equivalent to flying the Union Jack, or a Unionist flag, alongside an IRA flag). Do they even notice the irony and contradiction? Who knows.[4] On the National Front merchandise website, since 2014 you’ve been able to buy this “Welsh” flag alongside a “hang IRA Scum” flag and Nazi imitations. Druan ar Cayo. There’s also a page in Welsh on the NF Wales website, where they attack “mewnbudiaeth” [sic – “immi-world-tion”??].[5]

NF Wales in Merthyr, 2015, dragging Welsh symbols through the dirt
NF Wales, 2015, dragging Welsh symbols through the dirt

Around ten years ago the British National Party started using the Welsh Dragon on its propaganda in Wales. Nick Griffin, ex-leader of the BNP, has moved to Llanerfyl in rural Wales – something (all too) common amongst rich Englishmen. But uncommon for such a Brit, he has (apparently) tried to learn Welsh, and has sent his children to Welsh school. (No shit – he was even spotted at the Eisteddfod some years ago!). Likewise, anarchwaethus has heard of one or two fascists in South Wales trying to learn Welsh in the last few years.[6]

More recently, Alex Davies has tried to compare Saunders Lewis and the battle for the Welsh language to the battle for white supremacy (!). Davies is one of the main members of the younger violent group “National Action”. (The NA is famous for their “Hitler was right” banner and for being the first ever right-wing group to be banned by the British state. In 2016 they tried (and miserably failed) to attack anti-fascists protesting the “White Pride” demo in Swansea.) For almost an entire painful hour, Davies spoke at a secret “London Forum” meeting held in Cardiff, whilst attacking Jews, using racists slurs and praising the Nazis. To close, he explained that “what I’d like to say to British Nationalists and to white nationalists, national socialists [that is, Nazis], what we can do is we can take from the Welsh movement some examples.”[7][8]

Alex Davies and the "London Forum". On the left, with the Butchers Apron, on the right, with Baner Glyndŵr.
Alex Davies and the “London Forum”. On the left, with the Butchers Apron, on the right, with Baner Glyndŵr.

Lastly, UKIP has also started using some Welsh here and there. Like the BNP and others, their previous official stance was extremely anti-Welsh language, and like these other examples there’s no doubt that this change is only on the surface and that anti-Welsh language prejudice continues to run deep. (anarchwaethus isn’t sure whether UKIP can be simply defined as fascism in the same way as the above groups (another discussion).[9] But without a doubt they are still full of racist shit – amongst other shit – and they must be opposed. Fair play to Cymdeithas for taking a stance against them recently.)


Despite appropriating Welsh symbols, or even anti-British symbols, Britishness is essential to all these fascists. None of them believe in a Free Wales in any sense – they oppose such nationalism. They want Wales to remain part of the British Union. Though on rare occasions they have mentioned or used the language, they do not worry or fight for it, nor do they identify with the struggles of our national past.[10] Other than the Welsh nationalist symbols that they take, they do not have a single feature of Welsh nationalism(s) (the struggle for the language, anti-militarism or pacifism, self-rule, independence or freedom for Wales, international solidarity with other oppressed nations and so on).[11] The opposite is true: they proudly bathe in their Britishness (a white Britishness of course). Little Wales within Great Britain is their empty Welshness.

There’s little to be shocked about here. They are following a familiar tradition of British-Welshness, which grips some Welsh symbols, and is happy to take pride in Welshness to an extent, so long as it’s within the British imperialist order. This is the shitty mythology of the Royal Welch Fusiliers, the lie of Rorke’s Drifft, Henry the VII, David Lloyd George and so on.[12] The twist is that they do this through Baner Glyndŵr or Saunders Lewis!

“White Wales” or “Western England”?

The difference is that they connect this empty Welshness with obvious white supremacy. They imagine a little white Wales, whiter than the cities of England. Through miss-defining the Welsh as an essentially white “race”, Welshness becomes for them a symbol of white supremacy. For them, to be Welsh (or British) is to not be black, to not be Muslim or Jewish, to not be an immigrant from beyond the English channel.

This is of course total rwtsh – bullshit, historically and presently, which erases Welsh histories that aren’t white, migrant histories in Wales, the histories of Welsh-Jews, Muslims, Roma people and so on.[13][14][15] Though actual Welsh nationalisms record is far from perfect, it wasn’t in terms of the “white race” that they defined Welshness. Rather, their main definition of Welshness was and is the linguistic element and/or opposition to Anglo-oppression – to be Welsh was to be in some relationship of belonging (whether you spoke it or not) with the native language and/or to not be English. As most of the English are white, race in this sense was neither important nor central to their definition of what it meant to be Welsh.

Welsh Pride NOT White Pride: Antifascist banner from the protest in Swansea, 2014

Though this appropriation of Welsh symbols by British fascists is a recent move, there is a longer history of appropriation by white supremacists in general of Celtic symbolism.[16] This mis-association of the Celts with whiteness plays an important part in the British fascist imagination here today (despite the fact that the roots of modern Britishness lies in Anglo-Saxon and Norman domination, rather than in the old Britons!).[17][18] This can be traced in turn to the racist Klu Klux Klan in the USA, who took pride in a mythology of “Celtic” (Scots-Presbytarian) alongside “Anglo-Saxon” roots. (Once again, the KKK’s use of the term “Anglo-Celtic” to mis-define whiteness is completely meaningless (and opposed) by Welsh nationalism.)[19][20]

The appropriation of the Celtic cross by white supremacists. (left) Llywelyn’s Battle Standard, (right) Racist shitbags flag. “Wylit, wylit, Lywelyn / Wylit waed pe gwelit hyn” [“Weep, weep, Llywelyn / You would weep blood if you saw this.”] [21]

Hand in hand with this racist mythology, many white English people have chosen to move to Wales as they perceive it as a place “which is still white”. These well-off Brits have often risen in class, and choose to emigrate from English cities as a part of “white flight”. The obvious irony is that they moan about the death of their “culture” (by which they mean white “culture”) and “immigrants”, but are more than happy to move to Wales (or buy a second home here) and to Welsh-speaking areas, whilst flying their Union Jacks and insisting on not learning the language![22] anarchwaethus is not trying to say that all white English immigrants to Wales are “white flighters”, but there is definitely a proportion that are, and this is worth our attention. To an extent, much organised fascist activity in Wales can be connected to these types, and also to white English fascists who cross Offa’s Dyke for the occasional demo.

“Defending” England… in North Wales

There’s no better summary of this than the fascists’ chant at the “White Pride” demo in Swansea, 2014. Whilst flying Baner Glyndŵr alongside the Union Jack, the crowd shouted: “this is England, not Pakistan”(!).[23][24]

(Of course, it’s important to emphasise that there are non-Welsh anti-fascists in Wales, and that some travel from beyond Wales for anti-fascist protests here – fair play to them.[25] Needless to say these protesters aren’t insisting that Wales is England.)

Welsh Nationalism and (anti)Fascism

After stripping Welsh symbols of their meaning these shitbags then go on to define Welsh nationalism as fascism. This is again total rwtsh. Whilst figures like Julian Cayo-Evans and particularly Saunders Lewis had their faults – and this article isn’t here to defend these faults – they cannot be defined as fascists.[26] These figures were not representative of the whole Welsh nationalist movement besides (this was famously the contradictory case with Saunders and his own party, Plaid Genedlaethol Cymru, despite him being its leader). The Welsh nationalist movement has never been a fascist movement. As discussed already, the essence of Welsh nationalism was opposition to the British Union, Anglo-oppression and (to differing extents) the destruction of the Welsh language – clear anti-imperialist positions. Without a doubt, Saunders Lewis and to a lesser extent some others early in the movement had anti-Semitic positions, and at times an admiration of Hitler (it’s clearly these disgusting tendencies that attracted Alex Davies to him). We must attack this. We must also attack Lewis’ patriarchal bullshit and his opposition to class war, and he has been attacked on these things by other Welsh nationalists. But these positions do not differentiate him from many other individuals or parties at the time, whether this be the Tories, the Liberals or the Labour Party. There are some disgusting and reactionary individuals and tendencies, including anti-Semitism, to be found in nearly every movement. Neither anarchism nor even anti-fascism is an exception to this.

There is in reality some tradition of opposing fascism amongst Welsh nationalists. The English anarchist Ian Bone’s memories of fighting alongside Welsh Republicans against fascists in the 70s is a witness to this. It’s also possible to argue that a mixed attempt at anti-racism and solidarity with people of colour is a less central feature of Welsh nationalism.[27] If anything, this appropriation by British fascists of Welsh symbolism only seems to further provoke and anger Welsh Republicans against them.[28]

In defining Welsh nationalism as fascism, these fascists are once again following the British establishment. They have swallowed the lie of the British establishment during and after the second world war: the false accusation that all Welsh nationalists were Nazi-supporting fascists. (It is important to note that the British state also accused pacifists, Welsh communists like Niclas y Glais, the entire Italian community in Wales and many others the same.) They accept this lie, and see it as a good thing. Then, through taking Welsh nationalist symbols, they try to turn this lie into “truth” so as to fulfill the original accusation.

Anti-British Anti-Fascism

As discussed in this article, the spirit of these all these fascists is Britishness, Brit-Welshness if not downright Englishness.[29] There is in fact no example in our history (so far) of a native Welsh and Welsh-speaking fascism.[30]

Of course, this does not mean that Wales is some essentially radical nation without racism or oppression, as some niaive white Welsh people believe. The Brecshit vote in Wales and the growth in racist attacks following this is enough to cause worry without mentioning organised fascist groups.[31] State racism and the violence of the border-system is a nightmare situation besides. The detention centres on this island and the new ones along Europe’s borders where G4S and others daily murder refugees cannot be forgotten. anarchwaethus above differentiates somewhat between fascist groups and the racism of UKIP and the state, but it must be admitted that these lines are blurred, now as much as ever. Mae’r nos yn hir.

Fascists have less of a street presence on these islands than in the rest of Europe.[32] There is also comparatively less fascist activity in Wales than England. Whilst noting NF Wales’ infighting, the NA’s recent ban, the fall of the BNP and new groups’ (literal!) failure to appear, can’t it be claimed that anarchwaethus and anti-fascists give too much attention to unimportant groups? Our answer is firmly no. Firstly, whilst the above groups are small (especially in comparison to the EDL’s heyday), they are hardcore and more violent. Secondly, we must remember that the EDL and groups like Pegida in Germany’s sudden rise was relatively unexpected. We must smash fascism on every occasion so as to prevent such a growth. Thirdly, these fascist groups are connected, directly or indirectly, to racism and everyday shit on the street and to the racism and shit of the state. When fascism succeeds on the streets, racist confidence and prejudice against oppressed groups strengthens, and the whole political atmosphere is soured. To fight one we must also fight the other.

To close, anarchwaethus insists that we need an anti-British anti-fascism.

From a Welsh position, fascism in Wales continues to impose Britishness and Anglicisation, despite this symbolic change. Fascism also threatens the Welsh language with an alternative death, as Welsh is a dead language already when in the mouth of a fascist. Through attempting to take our symbols they deprive us of our traditions, killing any true life they have, just as Britishness has always done. The Welsh language must live: we must kill fascism.

From an anti-fascist position on these islands, we must attack Britishness in order to act effectively. Fascism does not exist in a vacuum – it has a home, language and culture. White Britishness is the dominating culture of fascism on these islands, and the English language runs through its veins.[33][34] Through killing Britishness, we shall kill British fascism.

We must physically oppose fascism on the streets, and take from their hands the flags of Wales.

I’r gad!


Antifascist Links


Thanks to Welsh Antifa, Disuj and Irish antifascist flags for inspiring the new baner.

Translation notes: Many Welsh words and meaning have no English equivelant. “Tramor” is used here as “across the sea” – that is foreign, but not including England or Scotland. “Seisnigeiddio” is used as “Anglicisation” – the meaning is fairly obvious, but has a linguistic emphasis (the erasure of the Welsh language (or other languages) by English). Likewise, the Welsh-language has seperate words for: the Welsh-language – “y Gymraeg”, Welsh – “Cymreig”, Welshness – “Cymreictod”, the Welsh people – “Cymry” and Wales – “Cymru”. We’ve tried to be clear here. Britishness is used in place of “Prydeindod”, from J. R. Jones’ work.

1 For some fragments of the anti-BUF history in Wales online, see “Fighting fascism is a great Welsh tradition“, this summary of a chapter from “Miner’s Against Fascism”, or this lovely memory of “Sally” Harrington.

2 This surface change can be compared to the EDL’s misuse of LGBT rights towards Islamophobic ends. Here we have another skin deep, hypocritical and empty appropriation appropriation: whilst an EDL member flies an LGBT rainbow flag the fascist crowd shouts homophobic chants.

3 Above, anarchwaethus looks at the roots of this development in world-wide white supremacy’s appropriation of “Celticness”, but why has this change amongst British fascists and Welsh symbolism happened recently? anarchwaethus’ guess is, on the one hand, a lack of direct action on behalf of the present national movement in Wales and the Welsh language movement, and on the other hand, the related acceptance of elements of these movements into the main-stream establishment. That is, the present national and language movements’ lack of teeth, and these same movements’ past victories. When militant Welsh nashies were in their heyday, trying to bomb the Investiture of the Prince of Wales, or burning down rich English holiday homes, it wasn’t possible for British fascists to identify with their symbols. At the same time, now (following past struggles) that the Welsh language, and elements of Welsh nationalism (devolution, civic nationalism) are more “accepted” by British institutes and politics, it’s easier for British fascists to appropriate Welsh symbols. (The quieting of unrest in Northern Ireland is related to all of this.)

4 It would seem to be the “Wen” [“white”] part of the Eryr Wen symbol that appeals to them. See this picture and the video and the fascist tune “Violent Storm White Eagle of Snowdon” on youtube.

5 Also note the Welsh name (“Waredigaeth” [sic]) of NF Wales members’ crap band. Despite the name, it’s interesting to note that musical member’s of NF Wales like David Powell, Bryan Powell and Chris Lewis are attracted to American Bluegrass music, not Welsh traditional music. (See the notes on the KKK in this article.)

6 We should remember with shame that the Englishman and racist Brit Enoch Powell also learned the language, along with several other languages. (The Powells were of Welsh descent.) (See the part on British-Welshness and racist perceptions of the language later in this article.)

7 See the video “Alex Davies: ‘Saunders Lewis & Militant Welsh Nationalism” on youtube.

We get another interesting appropriation of Welsh symbolism by the NA here, where they combine our national anthem (in English (!) (it is only ever sung in Welsh, except on very rare bizarre occasions)) and Scottish symbolism in a Brit-fascist image. (Compare this with the British-Welsh establishments’ appropriations mentioned in this article.)

8 Alongside elements of Welshness, the group has also tried to appropriate anarchist symbolism and tactics, a tendency amongst some fascists across Europe and North America. Likewise, we see in the propaganda of the NA, NF Wales and others the fascist tradition of attempting to appropriate anti-capitalist and working class rhetoric (see, for example, this leaflet talking about the “White working class”). Whilst looking at this new development in terms of Welshness, we must remember that fascists are incredibly flexible and paradoxical when it comes to taking symbols (see the note on the “EDL LGBT division” above). Past fascists have even appropriated directly anti-fascist symbols!

9 In contrast to the above groups, UKIP isn’t trying to be a violent group or movement “on the street” (though they came close to calling for violence recently following Brecshit (very similarly to Trump’s campaign threats about supposed election rigging), and many of them praise such acts). They support the racist violence of the state and the police, but through the Parliamentary system, not through recruiting or entering the institution directly (in contrast to the NF). They are not trying to be a power outside of Westminster and civil society, and this is not a part of their electoral strategy either (this is in contrast to Mussolini and Moseley’s Blackshirts, Hitler’s Brownshirts or Franco’s military coup). But despite all of this, UKIP must be looked at in the wider context of fascist groups like the above, “non-political” everyday racism and shit on the street and the “mainstream” racism of the state and border-system, and the reactionary rhetoric of the main parties (including Corbyn’s Labour Party, now that he too is spewing anti-migrant shit). Without a doubt, there’s is a recognition amongst many UKIP member’s and fascist groups of a “division of labour” which reinforces each other, and many shitbags are members of fascist groups and UKIP. As Britain First put it, “UKIP in the ballot box, Britain First on the streets”. Last, it’s important to note that many of the same anti-fascist tactics, especially those used against electorally inclined fascists, are very useful against UKIP, including for example “no platform”.

(Of course, UKIP’s Britishness, like the above fascist groups, is rank).

10 Alex Davies’ “lecture” comes close to being an exception to this, with him talking about Tân yn Llyn. But it’s important to note that he doesn’t praise the anti-militarism or anti-imperialism of burning Penyberth, nor does he call for similar things. Rather, he emphasises how white-supremacist fascists can gain attention through direct action. It’s an objective lesson to be learned, so as to fulfill completely different aims – they don’t identify emotionally with the event as so many Welsh people do.

11 The only weak similarity between some British fascists and some Welsh Nationalists is rhetoric over a “distributist” economic system and the attempt at a “third position” “between” capitalism and communism (see the “Welsh DistributistMovement” bellow, and Alex Davies “lecture” on Saunders once again). Whilst anarchwaethus disagrees with distributism, it isn’t in itself a feature of fascism. Many in the Labour party and Tory party, alongside others from every corner of the political spectrum, have called for distributism and a stance between capitalism and communism.

12 This is a tradition as old as Edward I’s appropriation of the Arthur story so as to cement his rule of Wales.

13 The presence of Roma and Welsh-Roma people in Wales was essential to the continuation and richness of the Triple Harp’s unbroken tradition in Wales, our national instrument.

14 People of African descent have been part of the history of Wales since Roman Britain – that is, since the birth of the nation.

15 Daniel Williams emphasises Britishness’ role in erasing diversity within Welshness. Though he does this from a civic nationalist position, not an anarchist one (for anarchwaethus the problem is that state paperwork exists and defines our nationalities in the first place!), we strongly agree with this point.

16 This appropriation, and the perception of “Celtic” countries as “more white” is worth attention when considering that many 18th and 19th century racial theorists saw the “Celtic race” as the “lowest”, “worst” race within the white races internal hierarchy. (It must be emphasised that all the white races were seen as much “higher” than the others, such as Jews and people of African descent, and that this hierarchy was the most important difference). See, for example, the beliefs of John Beddoe or Madison Grant.

17 Defining the Celts as people within the “white race” is bullshit on several levels. The old Celts existed long before the white race came into being as a social reality and system of power (a development that came into play at the end of the Middle Ages). It’s likely that culture, rather than shared descent, was what connected the old Celts of these islands to the Celts of the continent. Today, though descent is not entirely unrelated, it’s in culturally and nationally that the term has any meaningful worth. anarchwaethus hopes to expand on this in the future.

18 See, for example, the surreal BNP puppet show explaining the history of Boudicca (“and Boudicca, was white” (!))! Despite what’s said, rather than Buddug her Latin name is used. Once again, it follows the footsteps of British institutional mythology – see Queen Victoria’s appropriation of Boudicca’s symbolism.

19 For these Scots descendants in the USA, previously planted on the front-line of colonisation in Northern Ireland, their use of the term Celtic did not mean Irish Catholics (and their emphasis was Scots rather than Gaelic). By their second-embodiment anti-Catholicism was an essential part of the KKK whilst they attacked more recent migrants to the USA from the rest of Europe. We can see here a connection between the KKK’s burning crosses (an appropriation of an old Scottish Clansman tradition, which also began during their second-embodiment), and the tradition of burning crosses at Lewes bonfire in England, an event with anti-Catholic and anti-Irish roots. (Similarly to the KKK, some in Lewes bonfire continue to blacken their faces, despite calls to stop from people of colour).

(Though he apologises for colonisation (he talks about “celebrating” Scottish settlers), ignoring for the most part co-operation between the state and the KKK and shaking hands (!) and giving platform to a KKK leader, Neil Oliver’s recent BBC documentary discussing this topic is interesting and important.)
20 We then see this kind of white supremacy “returning” home. Content warning for the next links – they deal with racist and disgusting events. *Content note: the following links deal with racist and disgusting events.* See for example the history of the fascist Alan Beshella, or more recent KKK symbolism by fascists in the Valleys.

21 This history of appropriating Celtic symbolism doesn’t end with the KKK. This history, and the history of the appropriation of the Celtic Cross towards fascist ends is a complicated one and deserves discussion in itself (it’s likely that the symbol belonged to several European cultures before the modern age besides). In the 30s, some German and French (despite their opposition to Breton nationalism!) fascists began appropriating elements of Celtic culture. Jacques Doriot appears to be amongst the first to use the Celtic Cross towards fascist ends. In this period some fascist factions (small and unsuccessful) appeared on the fringes of the nationalist movement in Ireland, such as Ailtirí na hAiséirghe (who also used the Celtic Cross), and also some Breton fascists (it’s not obvious that these used the Celtic Cross).

Whilst discussing such histories we must also remember anti-fascist traditions in the “Celtic nations”. It was heartwarming to see Irish Republicans joining against fascists in Liverpool, and heartwarming to see an Irish anti-fascist banner flying in the battle at Dover. Similarly, though reactionary elements are to be seen in some Breton nationalist factions today, we must also note the Breton anti-fascist factions (alongside the Breton anarchist tradition).

22 Needless to say anarchwaethus insists that it’s Britishness and Anglicisation that threatens the Welsh language, not immigrants from across the sea. Anglicisation threatens both the Welsh language and their minority languages.

23 This is a common chant on English fascist marches. It was clear, from interviews and their accents, that the majority of the fascist crowd that came to Swansea that day were Englishmen from up North.

24 Alongside appropriating Welsh symbols, “romanticising” Wales as a white area and defining Wales as England, it’s worth noting that (male) British fascists have chose to travel to the mountains of Wales to hold violent training camps. (In this they are once again following the British establishment!) In 2014, different fascists attended the Sigurd Legion training group in the Bannau Brycheiniog, and in 2016 Britain First held a training camp in Eryri. The two camps including practising knife fighting. Many have connected the murder of MP Jo Cox, which happened shortly after the training camp, to Britain First.

25 Likewise, many Welsh antifascists have travelled (in 1936 and on other occasions) and continue to travel across the world in antifascist solidarity.

26 For a thorough discussion of Plaid Genedlaethol Cymru and the false accusations of fascism, see Richard Wyn Jones’ book.

27 They see, as anarchwaethus sees, a common enemy in the British imperialist order, though this order oppresses us in very different ways. We must, whilst talking about this history regarding Welsh nationalism, not ignore racist histories in Wales, in particular the role of many Welsh people in the British empire.

28 See, for example, this letter and answer and also this post: “A left wing photographer then shouted at a local NF member who was holding the Wales NF flag aloft that he wasn’t happy we were flying the white eagle of Snowdon symbol and his dad was ex free Wales army. This red clown was told that the REAL nationalists of Wales now have this symbol! It belongs to the real Welsh patriots defending the white Welsh working class! “We have taken the symbol and its now ours!” shouted the patriot, much to the red idiots disapproval.”

29 These fascist activities appear to be somewhat stronger in those areas previous called “British-Wales”, such as the Eastern part of the Valleys.

30 The closest we get is the “Welsh Distributist Movement” in the 90s. Though a number of the above groups are small, this group was minuscule (5 members apparently!). But English, once again, was their language, and it’s clear that main member Wyn Davies had strong connections to British fascists in the NF.

31 We must also note the connections between racist attacks and homophobic and transphobic attacks following Brecshit. There have also been the cases of hatred towards Welsh speakers on the street, which is (mis)perceived as a “foreign” language – see this story and also this tweet).

32 Some have connected this to successful antifascist action on these islands. Though we must celebrate such traditions, anarchwaethus feels that there are structural reasons which mean that such fascism is less useful to the imperialist state and British white supremacy. It could be argued that the elite in stable Britain doesn’t “need” fascism as much.

33 We occasionally see fascists from across the sea on these islands, such as Zjednoczeni Emigranci – and we must of oppose their fascism too. (We also of course get anti-fascist groups from across the sea, such as the famous Dywizjon161.) We also see occasional attempts at a kind of Euro-fascism (the explicit co-operation of fascists from different European nations, e.e. Pegida), but this in no way lessens the centrality of Britishness.

34 Fascism also has content beyond the national, obviously. Through killing white supremacy, capitalism, patriarchy and so on, we will also kill fascism. But we must also look at white-supremacy, capitalism and patriarchy on these islands in their British context and content.

Ffasgiaid Prydeinig yn ceisio bachu Cymreictod

To read an English translation of this article, go to “British fascists try to appropriate Welsh symbols“.

Gwelwch hefyd rhai eglurhadau.

Ma ffasgiaid yn trial cymryd symbolau Cymreig a Chymraeg.

Dyma grwpiau hiliol, goruchafol-wen a threisgar. Maent oll yn ymosod ar ffoaduriaid a mudwyr. Maent yn Islamoffobaidd ac yn wrth-Semitaidd. Maent yn gwrth-ddosbarth-weithiol ac yn batriarchaidd. Maent yn rhagfarnllyd yn erbyn pobl anabl. Yn fyr: dyma gachwrs cachaidd. Nid oes croeso iddynt yng Nghymru, na nunman arall.

Rhaid gwrthwynebu ffasgiaeth, pa bynnag baner y codant. Rhaid hefyd gwrthwynebu’r ymgais hon i ecsbloetio a gwyrdroi ein symbolau a’n hiaith at ddibenion asgell-dde a Phrydeinig.

Yn yr erthygl hon, mae anarchwaethus yn trafod y datblygiad hwn ymysg ffasgiaid Prydeinig i gipio symbolau Cymru ac ein safiad fel gwrth-ffasgiaid yn erbyn Prydeindod.

Tueddiad Newydd – ‘run hen gachwrs

Nid yw presenoldeb ffasgiaid yng Nghymru yn rhywbeth newydd. Ceisiodd Crysau-Duon Moseley cynnal cyfarfodydd yn Ne Cymru yn y 30au er enghraifft, lle cawsant eu croesawu gan friciau, poteli, paffio a thipyn o ware pop.[1]

Yr hyn sy’n newydd yw’r tueddiad gan ffasgiaid Prydeinig i fachu symbolau Cymreig, gan gynnwys symbolau gwrth-Brydeinig. Hyd ag y gwyddwn, ni ellid dychmygu hyn rhyw ugain mlynedd yn ôl. Pryd ny, os roedd y fath ffasgiaid yn sôn am Gymru, Cymreictod neu’r iaith o gwbl, ymosodol a gwrth-Gymreig oedd eu rhethreg a’u safiad. Mae hyn wedi newid, er pwysleisiwn mai newid arwynebol a symbolaidd yn unig yw.[2][3]

Fe wnaeth y Valleys’ Frontline Firm (grŵp bach cysylltiedig i’r NF) trial efelychu bathodyn tîm pêl-droed cenedlaethol Cymru er enghraifft. Ond yn lle “Gorau Chwarae Cyd Chwarae”, mae ganddynt swastika bach, bach.

Y “VFF”: O ddaffodiliaid i… swastika. Cachwrs.

Ei’r National Front Wales cam ymhellach, gan hedfan cyfuniad hyll o’r Eryr Wen (hen arwydd Byddin Rhyddid Cymru) a Baner Glyndŵr, symbolau gwrth-Brydeinig, gerllaw Jac yr Undeb. (Am gefndir: bydde hyn yn gyfystyrol i hedfan Jac yr Undeb, neu faner Undebol, gerllaw baner IRA). A sylwant yr eironi a’r gwrthgyferbyniad? Pwy a wyr.[4] Ar wefan nwyddau’r National Front, ers 2014 gellid prynu’r faner “Cymreig” hyn, gerllaw baner “hang IRA Scum” a baneri Natsïaidd. Druan ar Cayo. Mae hefyd un dudalen Gymraeg ar eu gwefan NF Wales, lle ymosodant ar “mewnbudiaeth” [sic].[5]

NF Wales, 2015, yn llusgo symbolau Cymru trwy’r baw.

Mae’r BNP, ers rhyw ddeng mlynedd, wedi dechrau defnyddio’r Ddraig Goch ar eu propaganda yng Nghymru. Mae Nick Griffin, cyn-arweinydd y BNP, wedi symud i Lanerfyl yng nghefn wlad Cymru – rywbeth (rhu) arferol ymysg Saeson cyfoethog. Ond yn anarferol i’r fath Brit, ceisiodd (yn ôl pob sôn) dysgu’r Gymraeg , gan anfon ei blant i ysgol Cymraeg. (Yn wir, rhai blynyddoedd yn ôl gwelwyd ef yn y ‘Steddfod!). Yn debyg, fe glywodd anarchwaethus am un neu ddau ffasgydd yn Ne Cymru yn mynd ati i geisio dysgu’r iaith dros y blynyddoedd diwethaf.[6]

Yn ddiweddarach, ma Alex Davies wedi ceisio cymharu Saunders Lewis a’r frwydr dros yr iaith i’r frwydr dros oruchafiaeth wen (!). Dyma un o brif-aelodau ifanc y grŵp treisgar “National Action”. (Mae’r NA yn enwog am ei faner “Hitler was right” ac am fod y gyfundrefn asgell dde cyntaf erioed i’w cael ei wahardd gan y wladwriaeth. Yn 2016 wnaethant trial (a methu yn llwyr) i ymosod ar brotest gwrth-ffasgaidd yn erbyn y demo “White Pride” yn Abertawe.) Am bron awr gyfan boenus areithiodd Davies i’r “London Forum” a gafodd cyfarfod cudd yng Nghaerdydd, gan ymosod ar Iddewon, defnyddio sarhadau hiliol a chlodfori Natsïaid. Wrth gloi, wetodd: “what I’d like to say to British Nationalists and to white nationalists, national socialists [hynny yw, Natsïaid], what we can do is we can take from the Welsh movement some examples.”[7][8]

Alex Davies gyda’r “London Forum”

Yn olaf, mae UKIP yn ddiweddarach wedi hefyd dechrau defnyddio peth Cymraeg nawr ac yn y man. Yn debyg i’r BNP ac eraill, cynt roedd ei safbwynt swyddogol yn un hynod o wrth-Gymraeg, ac fel yr enghreifftiau hyn oll nid oes amheuaeth bod y newid yn un arwynebol rhagrithiol a bod rhagfarn gwrth-Gymraeg yn parhau yn gryf. (Nid yw anarchwaethus yn sicr y gellid diffinio UKIP fel ffasgiaeth syml yn yr un modd a’r grwpiau uchod (trafodaeth arall).[9] Ond heb os maent dal yn llawn cach hiliol – ymysg cach arall – a rhaid eu gwrthwynebu felly. Ware teg i Gymdeithas am gymryd safiad yn eu herbyn yn ddiweddar.)


Er iddynt fachu symbolau Cymreig, neu hyd yn oed symbolau gwrth-Brydeinig, Prydeindod yw hanfod y ffasgiaid hyn oll. Nid ydynt yn credu yng Nghymru Rydd yn unrhyw ystyr – yn wir, maent yn gwrthwynebu’r fath genedlaetholdeb. Maent yn dymuno i Gymru aros yn rhan o’r undeb Prydeinig. Er iddynt ar achlysuron prin grybwyll neu ddefnyddio’r iaith, nid ydynt yn becso neu yn brwydro drosti, na chwaith yn cysylltu eu hun i frwydrau hanes y genedl.[10] Oni bai i’r symbolau o genedlaetholdeb Cymraeg y bachant, nid oes ganddynt ddim un nodwedd o genedlaetholdeb(au) Cymreig (brwydr yr iaith, gwrth-filitariaeth neu heddychiaeth, ymreolaeth, annibyniaeth neu ryddid i Gymru, unoliaeth ryngwladol gyda chenhedloedd gorthrymedig ac yn y blaen).[11] I’r gwrthwyneb: maent yn ymfalchïo yn eu Prydeindod (Prydeindod gwyn, wrth gwrs). Cymru fach o fewn Prydain mawr yw eu Cymreictod wag.

Nid oes mawr o syndod fan hyn. Maent yn dilyn traddodiad cyfarwydd o Brydeindod-Gymreig, sy’n gafael yn rhai symbolau Cymreig, ac yn fodlon ymfalchïo am Gymreictod i raddau, o fewn y drefn ymerodraethol Brydeinig. Dyma fytholeg cachaidd y Rhoial Welch Fusiliers, stori gelwyddog Rorke’s Drifft, Harri’r VII, David Lloyd George ac yn y blaen.[12] Y syndod yw iddynt wneud hyn trwy ddefnyddio Baner Glyndŵr neu Saunders Lewis!

“White Wales” neu “Western England”?

Y gwahaniaeth yw iddynt gysylltu’r Cymreictod gwag hwn â goruchafiaeth wen amlwg. Maent yn dychmygu Cymru fach wyn sy’n wynnach na dinasoedd Lloegr. Trwy gam-ddiffinio Cymru fel hil wen yn ei hanfod, daw Cymreictod iddynt yn symbol o oruchafiaeth wen. Iddyn nhw, i fod yn Gymro/aes (neu Brydeinwr) yw i beidio fod yn ddu, i beidio fod yn Fwslim neu yn Iddewig, i beidio fod yn fewnfudwr “o dramor”.

Dyma rwtsh llwyr wrth gwrs, yn hanesyddol ac yn bresennol, sydd yn dileu hanesion Cymreig nad oedd yn wyn, hanesion mudwyr yng Nghymru, hanesion Cymry-Iddewig, Mwslemaidd, Roma ac yn y blaen.[13][14][15] Ac er nad yw record genedlaetholdeb Cymreig go-iawn yn un perffaith o bell ffordd, nid yn nhermau’r hil wen yr aethant ati i ddiffinio Cymreictod. Yn hytrach, ei brif ddiffiniad o ran Cymreictod oedd ac yw’r elfen ieithyddol a/neu wrthwynebiad i’r Seisnigrwydd oedd yn eu gormesu – i fod yn Gymro/aes yw i fod mewn rhyw berthynas (petaent yn ei siarad neu beidio) â’r iaith gynhenid a/neu i beidio fod yn Sais. Gan fod rhan helaeth o Saeson yn wyn eu croen, nid oedd hil yn yr ystyr hyn yn rhan bwysig na chanolog i’w diffiniad o Gymreictod.

Balchder Cymreig, nid balchder gwyn. Ie wir. Baner gwrthffasgaidd o brotest Abertawe, 2014.
Balchder Cymreig, nid balchder gwyn. Ie wir. Baner gwrthffasgaidd o brotest Abertawe, 2014.

Er bod y bachiad o symbolau Cymreig gan ffasgiaid Prydeinig yn un diweddar, mae hanes hirach o fachiadau gan oruchafwyr gwyn yn gyffredinol o symbolau Celtaidd.[16] Mae’r cam-gyfystyru hyn o’r Celtiaid gyda’r hil wen yn chwarae rhan yn y dychymyg ffasgaidd Prydeinig yma heddiw (er gwaetha ffaith mai gwreiddiau Prydeindod modern yw goresgyniad yr Eignl-Sacsoniaid a’r Normaniaid, yn hytrach na’r hen Frythoniaid!).[17][18] Gellid olrhain hyn yn eu tro i’r Klu Klux Klan hiliol yn yr Unol Daleithiau, oedd yn ymfalchïo ym mytholeg o’u gwreiddiau “Celtaidd” (Scots-Presbetaraidd) gerllaw gwreiddiau “Eingl-Sacsonaidd”. (Unwaith eto, mae defnydd y KKK o’r term “Anglo-Celtic” er mwyn gam-ddiffinio eu croen gwyn yn gwbl ddiystyr (os nad wrthun) i genedlaetholdeb Cymreig.)[19][20]

“Wylit, wylit, Lywelyn / Wylit waed pe gwelit hyn…” Bachiad y groes Geltaidd gan oruchafwyr gwyn [21]

Llaw yn llaw â’r fytholeg hiliol hon, mae nifer o Saeson gwyn wedi dewis symud i Gymru gan iddynt eu gweld fel ardal sydd yn “dal i fod yn wyn”. Mae’r Brits cefnog hyn yn aml wedi codi o ran dosbarth, ac yn dewis ymfudo o’u dinasoedd yn Lloegr fel rhan o “white flight”. Yr eironi amlwg yw iddynt gwyno am farwolaeth eu “diwylliant” (a gan hyn, maent yn golygu “diwylliant” gwyn) a “mewnfudwyr”, ond yn ddigon bodlon symud i Gymru (neu brynu ail gartref yma), ac i ardaloedd y Fro Gymraeg, gan hedfan Jac yr Undeb neu faner Lloegr a mynnu peidio dysgu’r iaith![22] Nid yw anarchwaethus yn trial gweud mai “white flighters” yw’r Saeson oll sydd yn symud i Gymru, ond yn sicr mae carfan ohonynt ac mae hyn yn werth sylw. I raddau, gellid cysylltu tipyn o weithredoedd trefnus ffasgaidd yng Nghymru i’r garfan hon, a hefyd i Saeson gwyn sydd yn dod dros glawdd Offa am yr ambell wrthdystiad.

North Wales EDL: Yn “amddiffyn” Lloegr… yng Ngogledd Cymru

Nid oes gwell grynodeb o hyn na siant ffasgiaid y digwyddiad “White Pride” yn Abertawe yn 2014. Wrth iddynt hedfan Baner Glyndŵr gerllaw Jac yr Undeb, gwaeddodd y dorf: “this is England, not Pakistan”(!).[23][24]

(Wrth gwrs, bwysig iawn nodi bod gwrthffasgiaid di-Gymreig yng Nghymru, a bod rhai yn teithio o du allan i Gymru am brotestiadau gwrth-ffasgiaid yma, a ware teg iddynt.[25] Afraid weud nad ydyn nhw yn mynnu mai Lloegr yw Cymru.)

Cenedlaetholdeb Cymreig a (gwrth)Ffasgiaeth

Ar ôl iddynt dynnu o symbolau Cymreig ei holl ystyr mae’r cachwrs hyn yn mynd ati i ddiffinio cenedlaetholdeb Cymreig fel ffasgiaeth. Dyma rwtsh unwaith eto. Er bod gan rai fel Julian Cayo-Evans ac yn enwedig Saunders Lewis eu beiau – ac nid pwrpas yr erthygl hon yw amddiffyn y beiau hyn – ni ellid eu diffinio fel ffasgiaid.[26] Nid oedd yr unigolion hyn yn gynrychioliadol o’r mudiad cenedlaetholgar yn gyfan chwaith (sefyllfa enwog o ran arweinyddiaeth Saunders). Nid yw’r mudiad cenedlaetholgar Cymreig erioed wedi bod yn fudiad ffasgaidd. Fel trafodwyd eisoes, hanfod cenedlaetholdeb Cymreig oedd gwrthwynebiad i’r undeb Prydeinig, gormes y Saeson, ac (i raddau gwahanol) tranc yr iaith – safiadau gwrth-imperialaidd amlwg. Heb os, roedd gan Saunders Lewis ac i raddau llai rhai eraill yn gynnar yn y mudiad safbwyntiau gwrth-Semitaidd, ac ar adegau edmygedd o Hitler (yn amlwg dyma’r tueddiadau gwarthus a ddenodd Alex Davies ato). Rhaid ymosod ar hyn. Rhaid ymosod yn ogystal ar ei batriarchaeth a’i wrthwynebiad i ryfel dosbarthiadol, ac mi ymosodwyd arno felly gan genedlaetholwyr Cymreig eraill. Ond nid yw’r safbwyntiau hyn yn ei wahaniaethu o nifer o unigolion a phleidiau eraill yn yr oes, petai hyn yn Dorïaid, Rhyddfrydwyr neu’r Blaid Lafur. Mae rhai unigolion ac elfennau haerllug ac adweithiol, gan gynnwys rhai gwrth-Semitaidd, yw darganfod ym mron pob mudiad. Nid yw anarchiaeth na hyd yn oed grwpiau gwrth-ffasgaidd yn eithriad i hyn.

Y gwirionedd yw bod rhywfaint o draddodiad ymysg cenedlaetholwyr Cymreig i wrthwynebu ffasgiaeth. Mae atgofion yr anarchydd Saesneg Ian Bone o frwydro ger ochr Gweriniaethwyr Cymreig yn erbyn ffasgiaid yn yr 70au yn dyst i hyn. Yn ogystal, gellid dadlau bod ymgais cymysg o wrth-hiliaeth ac unoliaeth gyda phobl nad yw’n wyn eu croen yn un o dueddiadau llai blaengar cenedlaetholdeb Cymreig.[27] Yn wir, mae bachiad y ffasgiaid Prydeinig hyn o symbolau Cymreig yn ôl pob golwg mond yn cythruddo a gwylltio Gweriniaethwyr Cymreig yn erbyn ffasgiaid ymhellach.[28]

Mae’r ffasgiaid yn dilyn traddodiadau’r sefydliad Prydeinig unwaith eto fan hyn. Maent wedi llyncu celwydd y sefydliad Prydeinig yn ystod ac ar ôl yr ail ryfel byd: y cyhuddiad ffals mai ffasgiaid a gefnogai’r Natsïaid oedd Cenedlaetholwyr Cymreig oll. (Bwysig nodi bod gwladwriaeth Brydain wedi cyhuddo heddychwyr, comiwnyddion Cymreig fel Niclas y Glais, a’r holl gymuned Eidalaidd Cymru gerllaw nifer eraill yn debyg). Maent yn derbyn y celwydd, ac yn eu gweld fel rhywbeth da. Wedyn, trwy fachu symbolau cenedlaetholdeb Cymreig, ânt ati i drial troi’r celwydd yn “wirionedd” er mwyn cyflawni’r cyhuddiad gwreiddiol.

Gwrth-Ffasgiaeth Gwrth-Brydeinig

Fel trafodwyd eisoes, Prydeinig-Gymreig, Prydeinig os nad Seisnigaidd eu naws yw’r ffasgiaid hyn oll.[29] Yn wir, nid oes esiampl yn ein hanes (cyn belled) o gyfundrefn ffasgaidd gynhenid Cymreig a Chymraeg.[30]

Wrth gwrs, nid yw hyn yn golygu bod Cymru yn genedl radical o’i hanfod heb hiliaeth na gorthrymder, fel cred rhai Cymry gwyn naïf. Mae’r bleidlais Brecshit yng Nghymru, a’r twf yn ymosodiadau hiliol yn ei sgil, yn ddigon i beri pryder heb sôn am grwpiau ffasgaidd trefnedig.[31] Mae hiliaeth y wladwriaeth a thrais y system-ffiniau yn sefyllfa hunllefus ta beth. Rhaid cofio’r gwersylloedd ataliad ar yr ynys hon, a’r rhai newydd ar hyd y ffiniau yn Ewrop lle lofruddiwyd ffoaduriaid gan G4S ac eraill yn ddyddiol. Er i anarchwaethus uchod gwahaniaethu rhywfaint rhwng grwpiau ffasgaidd a hiliaeth UKIP neu hiliaeth y wladwriaeth, rhaid cyfaddef bod y fath linellau yn aneglur, nawr cymaint ag erioed. Mae’r nos yn hir.

Mae llai o bresenoldeb gan ffasgiaid ar y stryd ar yr ynysoedd hyn nag sydd yn weddill Ewrop.[32] Mae hefyd gymharol lai o weithgaredd ffasgiaid yng Nghymru nag sydd yn Lloegr. Wrth nodi brwydro mewnol NF Wales, gwaharddiad diweddar yr NA, cwymp y BNP a diffyg presenoldeb grwpiau newydd (yn llythrennol!) nid yw’n bosib honni bod anarchwaethus a gwrth-ffasgiaid yn rhoi gormod o sylw i grwpiau dibwys? Ein hateb cadarnhaol yw nac ydi. Yn gyntaf dim, er bod y grwpiau yn fychan (yn enwedig wrth ei gymharu â dyddiau bri’r EDL), maent yn graidd-galed ac yn fwy treisgar. Yn ail, cofiwn fod twf aruthrol a sydyn yr EDL, a grwpiau fel Pegida yn yr Almaen, yn weddol annisgwyl ac wedi synnu nifer. Rhaid chwalu ffasgiaeth ar bob achlysur er mwyn atal y fath twf. Yn drydydd, mae’r grwpiau ffasgaidd hyn yn gysylltiedig, yn uniongyrchol neu’n anuniongyrchol, i hiliaeth a chach arall pob dydd ar y stryd ac i hiliaeth a chach arall y wladwriaeth. Pan lwydda ffasgiaid ar y strydoedd, mae hyder hiliol a rhagfarn yn erbyn grwpiau gorthrymedig yn cryfhau, a surwyd yr holl awyrgylch gwleidyddol. Er mwyn cwffio un rhaid hefyd cwffio’r llall.

I gloi, mynna anarchwaethus bod angen gwrth-ffasgiaeth gwrth-Brydeinig.

O safiad Cymreictod, mae ffasgiaeth yng Nghymru yn parhau i weithredu dros Brydeindod a Seisnigeiddio, er gwaetha’r newid arwynebol hwn. Mae hefyd yn peri math amgen o farwolaeth i’r Gymraeg, canys iaith farw yw’r Gymraeg yng nghennau ffasgydd. Trwy geisio cymryd ein symbolau maent yn ein difreinio o’n traddodiadau ac yn eu lladd o wir fywyd, yn union fel gwnaethpwyd gan Brydeindod eisoes. Rhaid i’r Gymraeg byw: rhaid lladd ffasgiaeth.

O safiad gwrth-ffasgaidd ar yr ynysoedd hyn, rhaid i ni ymosod ar Brydeindod er mwyn gweithredu’n effeithiol. Nid yw ffasgiaeth yn bodoli mewn gwagle – mae ganddo aelwyd, iaith a diwylliant. Prydeindod gwyn yw diwylliant gormesol ffasgiaeth ein hynysoedd, a’r iaith Saesneg sy’n llifo trwy’i gwythiennau.[33][34] Trwy ladd Prydeindod, fe leddir ffasgiaeth Brydeinig.

Rhaid gwrthwynebu ffasgiaeth yn ffisegol ar y strydoedd, gan gymryd o’u dwylo baneri Cymru.

I’r gad!


Dolenni Gwrthffasgaidd


Diolch i Welsh Antifa, Disuj a baneri gwrth-ffasgaidd Gwyddelig am ysbrydoli’r baner newydd.

1 Am rhai darnau o’r hanes gwrth-BUF Cymru arlein, gwelwch “Fighting fascism is a great Welsh tradition“, y grynodeb ma o bennod yn “Miner’s Against Fascism”, neu’r atgof melys hwn o “Sally” Harrington.

2 Gellid cymharu’r newid arwynebol hwn i gamddefnydd yr EDL o rethreg hawliau LHDT (LGBT) at ddibenion Islamoffobaidd. Dyma fachiad arwynebol, rhagrithiol a gwag unwaith eto: er bod aelod o’r EDL yn hedfan y faner enfys LHDT mae’r dorf ffasgaidd yn bloeddio siantiau homoffobaidd.

3 Mae anarchwaethus uchod yn edrych ar wreiddiau’r datblygiad yn fachiad goruchafiaeth wen fyd-eang o fytholeg “Celtaidd”, ond pam ceir y newid hwn o ran ffasgiaeth Brydeinig a symbolau Cymreictod yn ddiweddar? Tyb anarchwaethus yw, ar yr un llaw, diffyg gweithredu presennol ar ran y mudiad cenedlaethol Cymreig a’r mudiad dros yr iaith, ac ar y llaw arall, y derbyniad cysylltiedig o elfennau o’r mudiadau hyn i mewn i’r sefydliad a’r prif-ffrwd. Hynny yw, diffyg dandedd mudiad y genedl a’r iaith yn y presennol, a llwyddiannau’r un mudiad yn y gorffennol. Pan roedd cenedlaetholwyr Cymreig milwriaethus yn eu bri, yn trial bomio Arwisgiad Tywysog Cymru, neu yn llosgi tai haf Saeson cefnog, nid oedd yn bosib i ffasgiaid Prydeinig uniaethu a’u symbolau. Ar yr un pryd, nawr (yn dilyn brwydrau’r gorffennol) bod y Gymraeg, ac elfennau o genedlaetholdeb Cymreig (datganoli, cenedlaetholdeb sifig) yn fwy “derbyniol” gan wleidyddiaeth a sefydliadau Prydeinig, haws yw i ffasgiaid Prydeinig bachu symbolau Cymreig. (Mae’r lleihad yn aflonyddwch yng Ngogledd Iwerddon yn berthnasol i hyn oll.)

4 Mae’n debyg taw elfen “Wen” yr Eryr Wen sydd wedi apelio atynt. Gwelwch y llun yma a’r gerddoriaeth ffasgaidd “Violent Storm White Eagle Of Snowdon” ar youtube.

5 Nodwch hefyd enw Cymraeg (“Waredigaeth” [sic]) band aruthrol o wael aelodau’r NF Wales. Er yr enw, diddorol nodi y denwyd ffasgiaid cerddorol NF Wales fel David Powell, Bryan Powell a Chris Lewis i gerddoriaeth Bluegrass Americanaidd, nid i gerddoriaeth draddodiadol Gymraeg. (Gwelwch y nodiadau ar y KKK yn yr erthygl hon.)

6 Cofiwn â siom fod y Sais a Phrydeiniwr hiliol Enoch Powell hefyd wedi mynd ati i ddysgu’r iaith, gerllaw sawl iaith arall. (Mi roedd y Powells o dras Gymreig.) (Gwelwch y rhan ar Brydeindod-Gymreig a chanfyddiadau hiliol o’r iaith yn hwyrach yn yr erthygl.)

7 Gwelwch y fideo “Alex Davies: ‘Saunders Lewis & Militant Welsh Nationalism” ar youtube.

Ceir bachiad diddorol arall o symbolaeth Gymreig gan yr NA fan hyn, lle cyfunant ein hanthem genedlaethol (yn Saesneg (!)) a symbolaeth Albanaidd mewn darlun Prydeinig-ffasgaidd. (Cymharwch hyn â bachiadau’r Sefydliad Prydeinig-Gymreig y crybwyllwyd yn hwyrach yn yr erthygl.)

8 Gerllaw elfennau o Gymreictod, mae’r grŵp hefyd wedi ceisio bachu symbolau a thactegau anarchaidd, tueddiad ymysg rhai ffasgiaid dros Ewrop a Gogledd America. Yn debyg, gwelwn ym mhropaganda yr NA, NF Wales ac eraill y traddodiad ffasgaidd o geisio bachu rhethreg wrth-gyfalafol a dosbarth gweithiol (gwelir, er engraifft, y daflen hon yn sôn am “White working class”). Wrth edrych ar y datblygiad newydd hyn o ran Cymreictod, rhaid cofio bod ffasgiaid yn du hwnt o hyblyg a pharadocsaidd o ran bachu symbolau (gwelwch y nodyn ar yr “LGBT EDL division” uchod). Yn wir, mae ffasgiaid yn y gorffennol wedi bachu symbolau uniongyrchol gwrthffasgaidd!

9 Yn wahanol i’r grwpiau uchod, nid yw UKIP yn ymgeisio i fod yn gyfundrefn neu fudiad treisiol “ar y stryd” (er fe wnaethant ymylu ar alw am drais ar y stryd yn ddiweddar yn sgil Brecshit (yn debyg iawn i fygythiadau ymgyrch Trump am honiadau o etholiad ffug), ac mae nifer ohonynt yn clodfori’r fath weithredoedd). Maent yn cefnogi trais hiliol y wladwriaeth a’r heddlu, ond trwy’r system Seneddol, nid trwy recriwtio a mynd i mewn yn uniongyrchol i’r sefydliad (yn wahanol i’r NF). Nid ydynt yn trial i fod yn bŵer tu allan i’r Senedd a’r gymdeithas sifil, ac nid yw hyn yn rhan o’i strategaeth etholiadol chwaith (mae hyn yn wahanol i Grysau Duon Mussolini a Moseley a Chrysau Brown Hitler, neu gipiad Franco o’r wladwriaeth trwy’r fyddin). Ond wedi dweud hyn oll, rhaid edrych ar UKIP yn y cyd-destun ehangach o’r grwpiau ffasgaidd fel yr uchod, hiliaeth a chach “di-wleidyddol” beunyddiol ar y stryd a hiliaeth “prif-ffrwd” y wladwriaeth a’r system-ffiniau, a rhethreg adweithiol y prif-bleidiau oll (gan gynnwys Plaid Lafur Corbyn, gydag ef hefyd nawr yn anerchu cach gwrth-fudwyr). Yn sicr, mae adnabyddiaeth ymysg nifer o aelodau UKIP a grwpiau ffasgiaid o fath o “raniad o lafur” sydd yn atgyfnerthu ei gilydd, ac mae nifer o gachwrs yn aelodau o grwpiau ffasgaidd ac o UKIP hefyd. Fel wedodd ffasgiaid Britain First, “UKIP in the ballot box, Britain First on the streets”. Yn olaf, mae’n bwysig nodi bod nifer o’r un tactegau gwrth-ffasgaidd, yn enwedig yn erbyn ffasgiaid fwy etholiadol, yn ddefnyddiol iawn yn erbyn UKIP, gan gynnwys “dim platfform” (“no platform”) er enghraifft.

(Wrth gwrs, mae Prydeindod UKIP, fel y grwpiau ffasgiaid uchod, yn rhonc).

10 Mae “darlith” Alex Davies yn ymylu ar fod yn eithriad i hyn, gan siarad am y Tân yn Llyn. Ond pwysig nodi nad yw’n clodfori gwrth-filitariaeth a gwrth-imperialaeth Llosgi Penyberth, nac yn galw am bethau tebyg. Yn hytrach, mae’n pwysleisio sut gall ffasgiaid goruchafol-wyn tynnu sylw at eu hun trwy weithredu. Gwers wrthrychol sydd ganddynt i ddysgu, er mwyn cyflawnu dibenion cwbl wahanol – nid ydynt yn uniaethu yn emosiynol a’r digwyddiad fel gwneiff nifer o bobl Cymru.

11 Yr unig debygrwydd gwan sydd gan rai ffasgiaid Prydeinig i rai Cenedlaetholwyr Cymreig yw rhethreg dros y system economaidd o “ddosraniad” a’r ymgais am “drydydd safiad” “rhwng” cyfalafiaeth a chomiwnyddiaeth (gwelir y “Welsh Distributist Movement” isod, a “darlith” Alex Davies ar Saunders unwaith eto). Er bod anarchwaethus yn anghytuno â dosraniaeth, nid yw yn ei hun yn nodwedd o ffasgiaeth. Mae nifer yn y Blaid Dorïaidd a’r Blaid Lafur, gerllaw eraill o sawl cwr a thu’r sbectrwm gwleidyddol, wedi galw am ddosraniaeth a safiad rhwng cyfslafiaeth a chomiwnyddiaeth.

12 Dyma draddodiad mor hen â bachiad Edward I o stori Arthur er mwyn cadarnhau ei feddiant o Gymru.

13 Roedd presenoldeb pobl Roma a phobl Roma-Gymreig yng Nghymru yn allweddol i barhad a chyfoeth traddodiad di-dor y Delyn Deires yng Nghymru, ein hofferyn cenedlaethol.

14 Mae pobl o dras Affricanaidd wedi bod yn rhan o hanes Cymru ers oes y Rhufeiniad ym Mhrydain – hynny yw, ers genedigaeth y genedl.

15 Pwysleisia Daniel Williams rôl Prydeindod mewn dileu’r amrywiaethau hyn o fewn Cymreictod. Er iddo wneud hyn o safiad cenedlaetholdeb sifig, nid un anarchaidd (y drwg i anarchwaethus yw bod ffurflenni gwladwriaethol yn bodoli ac yn diffinio ein cenedligrwydd yn y lle gyntaf!), cytunwn yn frwd ar y pwynt hwn.

16 Mae’r bachiad hwn, a’r canfyddiad o wledydd “Celtaidd” fel llefydd “mwy gwyn” yn werth sylw wrth ystyried y gwelodd nifer o theoryddwyr hiliaethol yr 18fed a’r 19eg ganrif “yr hil Geltaidd” cynt fel yr hil “isaf”, “gwaethaf” o fewn hierarchaeth fewnol yr hiliau gwyn. (Rhaid pwysleisio y gwelwyd yr hiliau gwyn oll yn llawer “uwch” na hiliau eraill, megis Iddewon a phobl Du, a’r hierarchaeth hon oedd y gwahaniaeth pwysicaf). Gwelir, er enghraifft, credoau John Beddoe neu Madison Grant.

17 Mae diffinio’r Celtiaid fel pobl o fewn yr “hil wen” yn rwtsh ar sawl lefel. Roedd yr hen Geltiaid yn bodoli hir cyn i’r hil wen bodoli fel realiti cymdeithasol a system o bŵer (datblygiad sy’n deillio o ddiwedd yr Oesoedd Canol). Mae’n debyg mai diwylliant, yn hytrach nag un dras gyffredin, oedd yn cysylltu hen Geltiaid yr ynysoedd hyn i Geltiaid y cyfandir. Heddiw, er nad yw dras yn llwyr amherthnasol, yn ddiwylliannol a chenedlaethol mai gan y term unrhyw werth ystyrlon. Gobeithia anarchwaethus ymhelaethu ar hyn yn y dyfodol.

18 Gwelwch, er enghraifft, fideo afreal sioe pwped y BNP yn adrodd hanes Buddug (“and Boudicca, was white”(!))! Er gwaetha’r hyn mae’n dweud, defnyddiwyd eu henw Lladin. Unwaith eto, mae’n canlyn mytholeg y sefydliad Prydeinig – gwelir bachiad Brenhines Fictoria o symbolaeth Buddug.

19 I ddisgynyddion y Scots hyn yn yr UDA, a roddwyd cynt ar flaengad wladychiad yng Ngogledd Iwerddon, nid oedd eu defnydd o’r term Celtaidd yn golygu Gwyddelod Catholig (a’r pwyslais oedd y Scoteg yn hytrach na’r Aeleg). Erbyn ei ail-ymgorfforiad roedd gwrth-Gatholigiaeth yn rhan hanfodol o’r KKK wrth iddynt ymosod ar fudwyr diweddarach i’r UDA o weddill Ewrop. Gellid gweld cysylltiad felly rhwng llosgi croesau’r KKK (bachiad o hen arfer dynion Clan yn yr Alban, a ddechreuwyd hefyd yn ystod yr ail-ymgorfforiad), a thraddodiad llosgi croesau Lewes bonfire yn Lloegr, digwyddiad â gwreiddiau gwrth-Gatholig a gwrth-Wyddelig. (Yn debyg i’r KKK, mai rhai yn Lewes bonfire yn parhau i dduo eu hwynebau, er gwaetha galwadau i beidio o bobl du eu croen.)

(Er iddo maddeuo am wladychiad (mae’n sôn am “ddathlu” y gwladychwyr Albanaidd), anwybyddu i raddau helaeth y cydweithrediad rhwng y wladwriaeth a’r KKK gerllaw siglo llaw (!) a rhoi platfform i arweinydd KKK, mae rhaglen dogfen ddiweddar Neil Oliver ar y BBC yn trafod y mater yn un hynod o ddiddorol a phwysig.)

20 Mi welwn wedyn yr oruchafiaeth wen hon yn “dychwelyd” gartre. *Rhybudd cynnwys am y dolenni nesaf – maent yn delio gyda digwyddiadau hiliol a haerllug* Gwelwch hanes y ffasgydd Alan Beshella er enghraifft, neu symbolaeth KKK diweddarach gan ffasgiaid yn y Cymoedd.

21 Nid yw’r hanes o fachu symbolaeth Geltaidd yn cwpla gyda’r KKK. Mae’r hanes hwn, a hanes bachiad y Groes Geltaidd at ddibenion ffasgaidd yn un cymhleth ac yn haeddu trafodaeth yn ei hun (mae’n debyg bod symbol tebyg yn perthyn i sawl ddiwylliant Ewropeaidd cyn yr oes fodern ta beth). Yn y 30au, dechreuodd rhai ffasgiaid Almaeneg a Ffrengig (er gwaetha eu gwrthwynebiad i genedlaetholdeb Llydaweg!) bachu elfennau o ddiwylliant Celtaidd. Ymddengys Jacques Doriot i fod ymysg y cyntaf i ddefnyddio’r Groes Geltaidd at ddibenion ffasgaidd. Mi ymddangosodd yn y cyfnod hwn garfannau (bychan a di-lwyddiant) ffasgaidd ar ymylon y mudiad cenedlaetholgar yn Iwerddon, megis Ailtirí na hAiséirghe (oedd hefyd yn defnyddio’r Groes Geltaidd), ac hefyd rhai ffasgiaid Llydaweg (nid yw’n amlwg bod y rhain wedi defnyddio’r Groes Geltaidd).

Wrth drafod y fath hanesion rhaid hefyd gofio traddodiadau gwrth-ffasgaidd y “gwledydd Celtaidd”. Braf oedd gweld Gweriniaethwyr Gwyddelig yn ymuno yn erbyn ffasgiaid yn Lerpwl, braf hefyd oedd gweld baner gwrth-ffasgaidd Gwyddelig yn hedfan ym mrwydr fawr Dover. Yn debyg, er bod elfennau adweithiol i’w gweld yng ngharfannau o genedlaetholwyr Llydaweg heddiw, rhaid nodi hefyd y carfannau gwrth-ffasgaidd Llydaweg (gerllaw traddodiad anarchiaid Llydaweg).

22 Afraid weud y mynna anarchwaethus mai Prydeindod, a Seisnigeiddio yw’r bygythiad i’r Gymraeg, nid mewnfudwyr o dramor. Mae Seisnigeiddio yn fygythiad i’r iaith Gymraeg ac i’w hieithoedd lleiafrifol nhw yn ogystal.

23 Dyma siant cyffredin gan Saeson ar orymdeithiau ffasgiaidd. Roedd yn amlwg, o gyfweliadau ac o’u hacenion, taw Saeson o Ogledd Lloegr oedd rhan helaeth o’r dorf ffasgaidd a ddaeth i Abertawe ar y diwrnod ‘ny.

24 Gerllaw bachu symbolau Cymreictod, “romanteiddio” Cymru fel ardal wen a diffinio Cymru fel Lloegr, gwerth nodi bod ffasgwyr (gwrywaidd) Prydeinig wedi dewis teithio i fynyddoedd Cymru er mwyn cynnal gwersylloedd hyfforddiant treisgar. (Mewn hyn o beth maent unwaith eto yn efelychu’r sefydliad Prydeinig!) Yn 2014, fe wnaeth gwahanol ffasgwyr mynychu grŵp hyfforddiant Sigurd Legion yn y Bannau Brycheiniog, ac yn 2016 fe wnaeth Britain First cynnal gwersyll yn Eryri. Fe wnaeth y ddau wersyll cynnwys ymarfer brwydro â chyllyll. Cysylltir nifer llofruddiaeth yr AS Jo Cox, a ddigwyddodd ychydig ar ôl y gwersyll, i Britain First.

25 Yn y run modd, mae gwrthffasgiaid o Gymru wedi teithio (yn 1936 ac ar achlysuron eraill) ac yn parhau i deithio dros y byd mewn unoliaeth gwrth-ffasgaidd.

26 Am drafodaeth drylw o Blaid Genedlaethol Cymru a’r cyhuddiadau ffals o ffasgiaeth, gwelwch lyfr Richard Wyn Jones.

27 Gwelant, fel gwêl anarchwaethus, bod ganddynt yr un gelyn yn y drefn imperialaidd Brydeinig, er i’r drefn hon ein gormesu mewn ffyrdd gwahanol iawn. Rhaid, wrth siarad am yr hanes hwn o ran cenedlaetholdeb Cymreig, peidio ag anwybyddu hanesion hiliol yng Nghymru, yn enwedig rôl nifer o Gymry yn yr ymerodraeth Brydeinig.

28 Gwelwch, er enghraifft, y llythyr ac ymateb hyn a hefyd y cofnod hwn “A left wing photographer then shouted at a local NF member who was holding the Wales NF flag aloft that he wasn’t happy we were flying the white eagle of Snowdon symbol and his dad was ex free Wales army. This red clown was told that the REAL nationalists of Wales now have this symbol! It belongs to the real Welsh patriots defending the white Welsh working class! “We have taken the symbol and its now ours!” shouted the patriot, much to the red idiots disapproval.”

29 Mae gweithgaredd ffasgaidd, i bob golwg, yn rhywfaint gryfach yn yr ardaloedd hynny a gelwid yn “British-Wales”, fel rhan ddwyreiniol y Cymoedd.

30 Yr agosaf y cawn yw’r “Welsh Distributist Movement”  yn y 90au. Er bod nifer o’r grwpiau uchod yn rhai bach, dyma oedd grŵp anhygoel o fychan (5 aelod yn ôl pob sôn!). Ond Saesneg unwaith eto oedd eu hiaith, ac mae’n amlwg i’r prif aelod Wyn Davies cael cysylltiadau cryf gyda ffasgiaid Prydeinig yr NF.

31 Rhaid nodi yn ogystal y cysylltiadau rhwng yr ymosodiadau hiliol yn dilyn Brecshit, ac ymosodiadau homoffobaidd a thrawsffobaidd. Gwelwn hefyd achosion o gasineb at siaradwyr Cymraeg ar y stryd, a (gam)welwyd fel iaith “tramor” – gwelwch y stori yma a hefyd y post trydar hwn.

32 Mae rhai wedi cysylltu hyn i weithgaredd llwyddiannus gwrth-ffasgaidd ar yr ynysoedd hyn. Er bod rhaid dathlu’r fath traddodiad, cred anarchwaethus bod rhesymau strwythurol yn golygu bod y fath ffasgiaeth yn llai defnyddiol i’r wladwriaeth imperialaidd a goruchafiaeth wen Brydeinig. Gellid dadlau nid oes “angen” ffasgiaeth siwd cymaint ar yr elit ym Mhrydain llonydd.

33 Cawn ar adegau ffasgiaid o dramor ar yr ynysoedd hyn megis Zjednoczeni Emigranci – a rhaid gwrthwynebu eu ffasgiaeth hefyd. (Cawn hefyd wrth gwrs grwpiau gwrth-ffasgaidd o dramor, megis y Dywizjon161 enwog.) Gwelwn hefyd yn aml ymgeision at fath o Ewro-ffasgiaeth (cydweithrediad amlwg ffasgiaid o wahanol gwledydd Ewropeaidd, e.e. Pegida), ond nid yw hyn yn lleihau’r elfen o Brydeindod.

34 Mae gan ffasgiaeth cynnwys tu hwnt i’r elfen cenedlaethol hyn, yn amlwg. Trwy ladd goruchafiaeth wen, cyfalafiaeth, patriarchaeth ac ati, fe leddir ffasgiaeth yn ogystal. Ond rhaid hefyd edrych ar oruchafiaeth wen, cyfalafiaeth a phatriarchaeth ein hynysoedd yn eu cyd-destun a’u cynnwys Prydeinig.